Objectives of the Girl Scouts program were to provide enhanced visiting between mothers and daughters so as to preserve or enhance the mother-daughter relationship, to reduce the stress of separation, to enhance the daughter's sense of self, to reduce reuninification problems, and ultimately to help decrease the likelihood of the mother's failure in the community. In formulating an agenda for future efforts in this area, it is important to recognize the difficulties of conducting theory-based intervention with this population (Eddy, Powell, Szubka, McClool, & Kuntz, 2001) According to Eddy et al., several problems limit the scope and type of interventions that can be implemented. Direct assessment of children is needed, as much of the literature relies on potentially-biased parental reports (Meyers et al., 1999). Sixth, research needs to move beyond simple descriptions of differences in children to explanations of processes in the individual, family, context, or culture that account for children's adjustment. Judicial Notebook is a project of APA Div. The latter arrangement provides greater continuity for the child relative to foster care because the child is with a familiar caregiver. The mother's perceptions of the quality of their relationships with their children, however, were not different in the two groups. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Theoretically, a high quality parent-child relationship should serve as a protective or buffering factor in helping the child cope with the temporary loss of a parent (Myers et al., 1999; Thompson, 1998). Moreover, when they confront new risks later in life, these children seem better able to adapt to challenges than children who have experienced little or no risk, a kind of inoculation effect (Hetherington, 1991; Rutter & Rutter, 1993). Therefore, in answering the question of the impact of incarceration on the mother-child versus father-child relationship it is important to consider these gender-related patterns of incarceration. All of Us or None Contact: (415)-255-7036 ext. As Sullivan (1993) observed in his ethnographic studies of both incarcerated and non-incarcerated young unwed African-American fathers, family members may limit a returning father's access to his children. Children's coping strategies, for example, serve as a moderator of the effects of caregiving processes on children's adjustment. Putting the pieces together. No single theoretical perspective is sufficient to encompass the complexity of the problem of parental incarceration. By educating the wider community about the needs of incarcerated parents, their children, and their families, more humane policies may emerge and the difficulties faced by these individuals will be better appreciated. Parental incarceration breaks up families the building blocks of our communities and nation and creates an unstable environment for kids that can have lasting effects on their development and well-being. In a smaller scale effort, Moore and Clement (1998) provided twenty mothers with 18 hours of parenting instruction over 9 weeks and compared these mothers to twenty waiting-list control mothers. In light of the evidence that children who begin a deviant career path early in childhood are more likely to develop stable, serious criminal patterns (Moffitt, 1993; Patterson et al., 1989), it is particularly important that intervention begin in childhood to try to avoid a deviant trajectory. Our work is made possible with the support from incredible volunteers and supporters all over the state of California. Alarmingly, the rate of parental incarceration has gone up sharply in the last decade. In addition, rules about who is eligible to visit, the number of visitors allowed at one time, appropriate behavior during the visit, lack of privacy, harsh treatment of visitors by correctional staff, and the physical layout of the visiting room often deter family members and caregivers from coming. First, we assumed that the child is located in a family system and to understand the impact of incarceration on the child, the network of relationships within the family system needed to be considered (Belsky, 1984; Sameroff, 1994). The site is secure. More recently Goldstein, Diener, and Mangelsdorf (1995), similarly, found that women with larger social networks were found to be more sensitive in interactions with their infants. Of these parents, almost 1.1 million are incarcerated in federal, state, or local jails. If recidivism can be reduced, children will be spared the trauma of repeated separation, which, in turn, will improve their psychological adjustment. From 1980 to 2000, the number of kids with a father in prison or jail rose by 500%. Children with a parent who is incarcerated are typically younger and living in low-income families of color, usually with a young single mother who has limited education. However, children of prisoners are more likely to have negative reactions to the experience when they cannot talk about it.". Recognition of the multiple risks experienced by children of incarcerated parents is a critical step in gaining a better understanding of the multiple factors that contribute to children's adjustment and merit consideration for designing interventions and crafting social policy. According to Landreth and Lobaugh, filial therapy training teaches parents basic child-centered play therapy skills and helps them learn how to create an accepting environment in which their children feel safe enough to express and explore their thoughts and feelings. The most important predictor of how well the child will adjust to the immediate separation is the quality of the parent-child relationship. However, this investigator also reported more endorsement of physical punishment and an increase in inappropriate expectations findings that are inconsistent with the investigator's hypotheses and with other work in the area. Washington, D.C. 20201, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Collaborations, Committees, and Advisory Groups, Biomedical Research, Science, & Technology, Long-Term Services & Supports, Long-Term Care, Prescription Drugs & Other Medical Products, Physician-Focused Payment Model Technical Advisory Committee (PTAC), Office of the Secretary Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Trust Fund (OS-PCORTF), Health and Human Services (HHS) Data Council, Modifiers of Childrens Reactions to Incarceration, Beyond the Incarcerated Parent: The Family Unit as a Target of Intervention, Co-detention: Raising Children in Prison, Programs for Children of Incarcerated Parents, Parental Re-entry: The Implication for Children, Problems Associated with Intervention and Evaluation Efforts, Theoretical Perspectives to Guide Research and Policy. Factors during incarceration. The debate over permanent placements for children of incarcerated parents is far from settled (Beckerman, 1998). As detailed by Jeffries (this volume), the impact of parental incarceration on children does not end with the release of the parent. In terms of education, most did not have a high school diploma (7% in state prison; 6% in federal prison), but nearly 30% had obtained a GED. The MMPI, MMPI-2, and MMPI-A in Court: A Practical Guide for Expert Witnesses and Attorneys, Third Edition, Police-Induced Confessions: Risk Factors and Recommendations. Total deception occurred in 4 of the 31 families in the study, and partial deception occurred in another 6 families. For example, children who suffer the loss of a parent through imprisonment may also be at risk because of poverty, changes in residence, shift in caregivers, and stigmatization by peers and community. Only when we have begun to identify these processes will we be positioned to design meaningful theory and data-based interventions. According to the life-span theory of development (Elder, 1998), development is a process that continues throughout the life cycle into adulthood. They also experienced higher overall satisfaction with their parenting. As Cowan et al. Get On The Bus unites children throughout California who have been separated from their mothers and fathers in prison. However, the number of mothers in prison grew at a faster rate than the number of incarcerated fathers across the decade 1991-2000. In the closing section we outline a series of issues, both research and policy issues, that need to be addressed if we are able to make serious progress in understanding the issue of parental incarceration. Many of these children were living with non-parental caregivers prior to the incarceration of their mother or father. How can legislation be used to improve outcomes for children of incarcerated parents? At the same time, children can form multiple attachments, including attachments to fathers and other non-maternal caregivers, as well as to mothers. Another assumption is that fathers as well as mothers could benefit from parent-education intervention. Figure 1. At the dyadic level, relationships (between husband and wife, mother and child, father and child) may follow separate and partially independent developmental courses over childhood (Belsky et al., 1989; Parke, 1988). As Young and Smith (2000) note, correctional policies regarding visitation and phone use make it difficult for mothers to stay in touch with their children. Ask Amy: Supporting children as they learn about incarcerated relatives. About 58% of women in state or federal prisons are parents of minor children in the U.S. Black and Latina women experience greater incarceration rates than white women and are about as likely or . However, there was little visitation between fathers and their children in either condition, and, therefore, limited opportunity for the changes in fathers' attitudes to be expressed and changes in children's attitudes to follow. We have already reviewed "Girl Scouts Beyond Bars," a program that includes not only visitation opportunities but non-prison group activities as well. Advocates for Children of Incarcerated Parents (AFCOIP), Advocates for Children of Incarcerated Parents. As in the studies of interventions with incarcerated mothers, measures of the impact of the parental intervention on the children were not collected. The arrest phase. National Parents in Prison and Their Minor Children, Special Report prepared by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. On average, mothers and fathers also spend different lengths of time away from their children. Monitor on Psychology, 50 (8). In recognition of the difficulty of this type of prospective approach, careful retrospective interviews with the incarcerated parent, the child, and informed kin could begin to provide a profile of life in these families before incarceration. Second, designs should include developmentally sensitive measures that have been well-standardized and demonstrate adequate psychometric properties. But its not knowing what's happening to my son that hurts most" (Baunach, 1988, p. 121, cited in Garcia Coll et al., 1998). Fourth, more attention needs to be given to the unique effects of the incarceration of fathers versus mothers. Childen need help coping with such a life-changing circumstance and their caregivers need guidance in handling these changes and conveying age-appropriate information to the child. Individual children respond to risks in a variety of ways. In addition to the problems faced by the parent, such as finding a job and housing and re-integrating into the community, the child and parent face the formidable task of re-establishing their relationship. Support for the effectiveness of parent education for inmate fathers comes from one recent study by Wilezck and Markstrom (1999). A transactional model of risks and supports associated with parental incarceration is presented in Figure 1. In 2001, Oregon was one of the first states to pass legislation to increase family bonding visits between children and their incarcerated parents. Jose-Kampfner (1995) interviewed 30 children who witnessed their mother's arrest and reported that these children suffered nightmares and flashbacks to the arrest incident. Still others exhibit resilience under the most difficult circumstances and may even be strengthend by it. Another important issue is who looks after the children when parents are incarcerated. For the children, the problems are in the form of the increase of behavioral and mental health problems, reduced school performance, internalized anxiety and depression, aggression, and externalizing problems, among others. The process of shifting the focus of intimate relationships from this caregiver to a long-absent, returning parent may be disruptive for the child and present another stressful transition that further undermines the child's adjustment. As Clark (1995) notes, the children become the "unseen victims" of a mother's incarceration. On the other hand, when mothers are put in prison, fathers assume responsibility only 28%- 31% of the time. Having a parent in prison can have an impact on a child's mental health, social behavior, and educational prospects. Children in the intervention group increased in self-esteem, while control children showed a slight decrease in self-esteem over the 6-week period (effect size = .57). In light of the well-documented finding that many incarcerated mothers are limited in their parenting skills (Johnston, 1991), several programs have been developed to provide parent education for incarcerated mothers. However, there are several negative aspects to prison-based co-detention. Children of Incarcerated Parents. The mutual impact of different sets of relationships on each other varies as a function of the nature of all these developmental trajectories. In light of sentiments like these, several women's institutions have developed visiting programs for inmates. This approach could be modified for use with younger children and pre-adolescents. According to Johnson (1991), one in five children is present at the time of the arrest and witnesses the mother being taken away by authorities. Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, Room 415F Children of incarcerated fathers tend to exhibit a broad variety of behavioral, emotional, and other problems. A growing body of research suggests that these initiatives are uniquely positioned to support the parents they serve. First, there are normative events and experiences that most children and adults undergo at roughly the same ages. Incarceration and reentry increases the probability of parents' and children's encountering a set of interrelated risks. Developmental analyses need not be restricted to the level of the individual, either parent or child, but refer to dyadic and family levels as well. We invite you to Voice your opinion, learn your rights and learn what changes we can make together. As noted in a comprehensive review of research on children with incarcerated parents, "The arrest and removal of a mother or father from a child's life forces that child to confront emotional, social and economic consequences that may trigger behavior problems, poor outcomes in school and a disruption or severance of the relationship with the in. involvement in the child welfare system. A third set of problems relates to the dynamic nature of inmates' families. As we note below, although the short-term impact on children may be greater when mothers are imprisoned, the long-term impact of the lengthier period of separation of fathers may bode poorly for maintenance of father-child ties (Gadsden & Rethemeyer, 2001). 337 www.prisonerswithchildren.org, Justice Strategies For the noncustodial parent: Managing the build up of child support debt can help parents successfully make regular payments after release. In doing so, CRJW restores relationships and creates public awareness in order to bring about radical transformation of the criminal justice system. Providing children with reliable, dependable information allows them to begin to make sense of their situation and begin the dual processes of grieving the loss of their parent and coping with their new life circumstances. Observation of children in a variety of contexts (home, school, playground) with a variety of interactive partners (parents, substitute caregivers, siblings, peers) would begin to provide a solid descriptive data base. CRJW serves as a conduit to assist and accompany children, families and communities in crossing over the barriers that separate them from people in prison. The Annie E. Casey Foundation recently hosted a webinar exploring how advocates, community groups and others can work to increase housing options for people with criminal and arrest records. Finally, Bowlby's theory alerts us to the fact that mothers experience anxiety just as children do when the two are separated. In view of the clear links between the quality of the marital relationship and child outcomes either directly or indirectly through parenting it is critical that more effort be devoted to this form of intervention (Grych & Fincham, 2000). CRJW unites children, families, and communities separated by crime & the criminal justice system, creates awareness about the negative impacts of incarceration on children & families, & advocates for programs & policies that restore relationships. Effects of incarceration on boys versus girls. Although the situation of a parent lost through death is more extreme, some of the insights gained from this literature concerning ways of helping children cope with loss is instructive. Children of incarcerated parents may face a range of traumatic experiences as a result of. It has long been believed that a group approach is most effective for children of incarcerated parents (e.g., Konopka, 1949). Boys are more likely to exhibit externalizing behavior problems, while girls are more likely to display internalizing problems (Cowan et al., 1994; Cummings, Davies, & Campbell, 2000). It is a concern for us as well. Some resist the idea of visitation by children either because of the unpleasant and inhospitable visiting conditions (Hairston, 1991) or because of their belief that visitation will produce negative reactions in the children (Bloom & Steinhart, 1993). In France and Switzerland, co-detention programs have been organized to permit mother and child to be together for a 2-3 year period in a special prison section adapted to children's needs and providing an enriched prison milieu and opportunities to experience life outside prison (Jaffe et al., 1997). In 1991, there were 452,500 parents in state and federal prisons, with 936,500 minor children. However, Johnston (1995) found that the excitability and hyperactivity associated with children's visitation were relatively short-lived and there was no evidence of long-term negative responses. These results were similar to those in studies of group treatment for children and adolescents of non-incarcerated parents, according to a meta-analysis by Hoag and Burlingame (1997; effect size for differences between group treatment and wait-list and placebo control groups = .61). This often has consequences for children of incarcerated mothers, because women typically serve 18 months in prison. Unfortunately, although such programs exist, information about which approaches - if any are most effective is limited. Community sentencing programs yielded reduced recidivism and increased family preservation outcomes that have positive implications for children's adjustment. Fathers are more likely than mothers to be in prison for violent crimes (45% vs. 26% in state prison; 12% vs. 6% in federal prison). 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